During the last eight years, America has been especially committed to the ideal of spreading democracy around the globe, largely due to the efforts of the Bush administration.  The administration expressed this ideal through the Bush Doctrine, which, for the first time, explicitly dedicated America to aiding democratic nations because they were (nominally) democratic, regardless of whether such aid harmed its strategic interests (as was the case with Ukraine and Russia). The Bush Doctrine is based on the belief that all cultures are basically compatible with democratic self-government — that, in the words of President Bush, “[F]reedom is the future of every nation.

A brief assessment of the majority of democracies around the world seems to indicate that this belief is mistaken, however. It takes a special confluence of circumstances to create a society with the necessary attributes to build and sustain real, functioning democratic civil institutions. The nation where such circumstances came together best was also the first modern democracy: America. But there appears to be little reason to believe that America’s experience can be easily repeated in or exported to other countries. Upon reflection we can see that such circumstances do not evolve by chance, nor do they come together easily. And, in some nations, they may not come together at all.

America was founded by the British, by far the freest people in the world at the time. They had a fundamental commitment to limited government and a profound respect for the rule of law. Because England was too absorbed by its decades-long war with France to pay much attention to running its colonies (and because those colonies were 3,000 miles away), American colonists were allowed to effectively govern themselves for over a century before they declared independence. The colonies also had a strong middle class that became the backbone of society. (This is important because the middle class provides stability. It lacks both the desperation that can lead the poor to listen to the promises of “strong men” politicians and the greed that can lead the very wealthy to oppress others for their own gain.)

The American experience seems to present us with at least four necessary requirements for a successful democratic society:

  1. Strong commitment to limited government.
  2. Deep respect for the rule of law.
  3. Prior experience with self-rule.
  4. A strong middle class.

History suggests that it is nearly impossible for societies lacking any of these requirements to form functioning democracies. There are numerous examples of new democracies replacing old autocracies, and then barely functioning or completely collapsing under the weight of their own inability to rule themselves. Last week, for instance, Iraq had a national election that, while hailed immediately by the international press as a success, shows signs of exacerbating tribal tensions and leading the country further into civil war. Former colonies in Latin America, Africa, and Central and Southeast Asia have similarly struggled through the years, with varying degrees of success. Even in Kenya, long touted as the one true democratic success on the African continent, contentious national elections in 2007 seemed to strongly suggest that the country is, in fact, another tribal kleptocracy, not a genuine democracy.

This should not surprise us. It is unrealistic to assume that nations which have never ruled themselves, or have only briefly done so after millennia of being ruled by kings or tribal chieftains, will suddenly acquire in one generation the social habits of thought and behavior that functioning democracies took centuries to develop. If such nations can develop into functioning democracies — something that is by no means certain — it will probably take them centuries to do so, too.

It may be, however, that some societies are so far removed from any memory or experience of self-rule as to place them beyond realistic hope for genuine democratic change. Russia, China, several African nations (like Somalia, Rwanda, and the Congo), some Middle Eastern nations (like Iraq and Saudi Arabia), and some Central Asian nations (such as Pakistan and Afghanistan) may fall into this category.

To the extent that the necessary attributes for a healthy democratic society reached their highest level of development in America, it may be that America is sui generis, a genuinely exceptional case that may not be the best model for democratic reformers around the globe to imitate. Theories of global democratic expansion that fail to take this possibility into account seem doomed to fail, as the Bush Doctrine appears to be failing in Iraq, Afghanistan, Georgia, and Ukraine. History matters. Culture matters. And American history and culture are just different.